Catalogue Description: This file concerns US-UK discussions on the Indian Ocean in May 1977. Subjects covered are: Affairs in Africa, including Ethiopia where Mengistu Haile Mariam has taken power; Somalia;and the French Territory of the Afars and the Issas [Djibouti], which is on the point of becoming independent from France The activities of the Soviet Union across the Indian Ocean Arms sales and economic aid to Indian Ocean littoral states The Cuban presence in Africa The future of the US military base on Diego Garcia, British Indian Ocean Territory The strategic capabilities of India and other powers in the Indian Ocean The US Middle East Force (MIDEASTFOR), based in Jufair in Bahrain; and proposed changes to this in light of Bahrain’s objections to the Force’s presence US Navy deployments in the region, and discussions with Oman concerning the use of Masirah island Negotiations with Singapore concerning naval facilities Debates around arms limitation in the Indian Ocean, with a US Government paper evaluating the question The US and UK position on the creation of an ‘Indian Ocean Peace Zone’, which was called for by the UN Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean Issues of overflight rights for US and UK aircraft carrying military equipment to third countries
On June 15, 2015, I agreed to appear on The Stream and with no agreement of being labeled “pro government advocate blogger” and that designation was intentionally meant to discredit my views. In the video, I had criticisms of Ms. Sheila B. Keetharuth, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. She had ties to the Amnesty organization before joining the UN which has a bias in her reporting of Eritrea given her previous employer’s track record of targeting socialist or independent states. For more on Amnesty background read here and here.
Ms. Sheila B. Keetharuth was appointed in October 2012 as the first Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Eritrea. She was member of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea from June 2014 to June 2016. After obtaining an LL.M. in International Human Rights Law and Civil Liberties at the University of Leicester (UK), she was called to the Bar in Mauritius in January 1997. In July 2002, she joined Amnesty International as a Researcher at the Africa Regional Office in Kampala, Uganda, and acted as the Interim Head of Office until December 2005. From November 2006 to June 2012, Sheila B. Keetharuth was the Executive Director of the Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa (IHRDA), a pan-African NGO based in Banjul, The Gambia.
This video or my appearance is often used as a “gotcha” moment by reactionary critics to discredit my views currently as being in the service of PFDJ or Isaias Afwerki. To defend the Eritrean state is falsely equated with the defense of Isaias Afwerki and that routinely is used to renounce arguments against imperialism targeting third world states. For example, below Zecharias a known pro-Menelik/Selassie/Zenawi blogger who deliberately used “Regime Trolls” angle to discredit my criticism of his coverage and his sly narrative making against historically oppressed nationalities in Ethiopia.
Journos will be targeted by regime trolls. Part of the package….but Christ….just discovered that one made it his life goal has to single me out for some special affection since 2018 😱
I scanned his page because I was curious as people kept telling me they received DMs from this individual "warning" about my work 🙂 A Google search uncovers he appeared on Al Jazeera Stream 6 years ago as a "pro Eritrean government advocate/blogger."https://t.co/mreVGfm5t8
I’m all about taking criticism and don’t hide my previous views, and I’m always about individual evolution.
Now
My politics since then has evolved that I no longer support PFDJ and been vocal about my criticisms of Isaias Afwerki ever since 2019. Below is my self-criticism from the past appearance.
Self Criticism
I should have been calmer in my views and also communicated my position better on the program.
I should have been more sensitive to present the internal issue and the serious grievances of the Eritrean people while equally spotlighting how Eritrea is unfairly targeted.
I like to apologize to all Eritreans who feel my views were too hyper-nationalist or were defending PFDJ when my intention was defending the state of Eritrea against external aggressions and schemes.
I have made criticism of AJ+ for being an outlet that propagates State Department views, but I can understand how that is hypocritical for me to have previously appeared on AJ. It is to be cleared that I have appeared on media outlets where I don’t fully agree with everything that was broadcasted.My appearance on AJ was not an endorsement of their politics or editorial line. I believe appealing to the broader audience to push the conversation to the left in every space and medium.
Lastly, one can defend the state of Eritrea while being independent of PFDJ or not supporting it, and that nuanced persuasion should not be dismissed as “regime” or “pro-government blogger”. We have seen how leftists who defend states under assault of Washington aggression be ridiculed as “Assadist” ,”Tankies” “Pro-CCP” etc for rightfully pushing non-interventionist line in the global south.
If you can’t make it good, at least make it look good.”
–Bill Gates, Microsoft
For years now the website allafrica.com has been an offhand source for many leftists around the world and the black diaspora to keep up to date on continental African news from various states. Since 2008 it has quietly gained 428.6K followers on Twitter @allafrica and many accounts re-tweet or share its articles without considering how the narrative is shaped and what news in Africa is missing from being featured.
It claims to be a voice of Africa: “AllAfrica is a voice of, by and about Africa – aggregating, producing and distributing 700 news and information items daily from over 130 African news organizations and our own reporters to an African and global public. We operate from Cape Town, Dakar, Abuja, Johannesburg, Nairobi and Washington DC.”
But a closer examination reveals it has ties to Bill Gates and is financed by the billionaire foundation. As announced on its site here:
A $2.3 million grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation will enable AllAfrica to move from periodic to consistent coverage of development issues and to increase institutional capacity to support future projects.
What news development and key grassroots movement in Africa are being intentionally blacked out from reaching a global audience if AllAfrica has a vested interest in making sure Bill Gates is pleased? One thing is for certain, the black diaspora has various middlemen on social media who shape the narrative and pick particular news in Africa that is not about class struggle, questioning the role of NGOs, and overall the criticism of neo-colonialism in its present violence.
As an alternative, we should support independent African journalists with the right politics and sources in the diaspora who are in tune with the grassroots movement and actual developments in Africa.
On October 18th, 2019 Eritrean activist Vanessa Tsehaye quote tweeted an article from Bolivian activist Jhanisse Vaca Daza published on the Human Rights Foundation page, encouraging the overthrow of socialist leader Evo Morales.
“If democracy and human rights are further compromised, Bolivia could become the next Venezuela. The presidential election on October 20 is a critical opportunity to remove Morales from power and restore justice in Bolivia. Our planet cannot afford another authoritarian leader who remains in power at the expense of the natural world.”
A few weeks later in Bolivia, the world witnessed a successful coup by the fascist junta and the ousting of Evo Morales, leaving him in exile, humiliated, and targeted.
The new regime immediately went on a killing rampage, murdering dozens, massacring Indigenous protesters, and overturning all economic and political gains made by the socialist government. The coup advanced Washington’s foreign policy that has been consistent from Latin America to Africa in targeting socialist leaders or any non-compliant state.
Who is Vanessa Tsehaye, and why is an Eritrean activist so close with a Bolivian regime change activist?
The connection is the Human Rights Foundation, where Jhanisse V. Daza is the manager of the Freedom Fellowships, a program they selected Vanessa to be a part of on May 21, 2019. Jhanisse revealed on the announcement of the fellowship program : “Anyone running a non-profit or civil society organization or start-up needs help and guidance with personal leadership, movement building, marketing and media strategy, fundraising, and digital security. My own experience was transformative, and I’m looking forward to bringing world-class expertise in each of these areas to 10 new Fellows.”
What is her experience and who are the “world-class experts”?
A more detailed examination of Jhanisse Vaca Daza’s connections and working relationships reveal that she guides an international network of Washington-backed regime change operations from Bolivia, Hong Kong and other strategic regions.
As first reported by Wyatt Reed and Ben Norton from the GrayZone, Daza is linked to Venezuelan figures Leopoldo Lopez, and Thor Halvorssen, the founder and CEO of the Human Rights Foundation. They are both connected to the right-wing and racist oligarchy who have been waging a long campaign of destabilizing Venezuela with the support of Washington.
Furthermore, Daza is associated with Srdja Popovic, the former organizer with the group Otpor which had substantial financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the International Republican Institute (IRI), and the US Agency for International Development (USAID). The Otpor group was one of many decades-long sophisticated operations to target socialist Yugoslavia and break it apart.
“CANVAS had been funded largely through the National Endowment for Democracy, a CIA cut-out that functions as the US government’s main arm of promoting regime change.”
According to internal emails from Stratfor, an intelligence firm known as the “shadow CIA,” CANVAS “may have also received CIA funding and training during the 1999/2000 anti-Milosevic struggle.”
CANVAS grew out of the Otpor! movement, a US-backed cadre of youth activists that brought down Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, who was targeted for overthrow by NATO for being insufficiently compliant.
An email by a Stratfor staffer boasts: “the kids who ran OTPOR grew up, got suits and designed CANVAS… or in other words a ‘export-a-revolution’ group that sowed the seeds for a NUMBER of color revolutions. They are still hooked into U.S. funding and basically go around the world trying to topple dictators and autocratic governments (ones that U.S. does not like ;).”
Stratfor revealed that CANVAS “turned its attention to Venezuela” in 2005, after cultivating opposition movements that led pro-NATO regime-change operations across Eastern Europe. Among those trained by CANVAS were the leaders of Venezuela’s coup attempt this year, including Juan Guaido, Leopoldo Lopez, and scores of figures associated with the US-supported Popular Will party.”
Bolivian anti-Evo Morales activist Jhanissa Vaca Daza (center) with Otpor leader and CANVAS founder Srdja Popovic (right)
On July 19th, 2019, Vanessa also tweeted in support of Srdja Popovic: “We can only succeed by learning from the ones who fought similar before us”.
Meron Estefanos is another Eritrean activist that is also associated with Human Rights Foundation and connected with Srdja as seen by the tweet below in May of 2015. Both Meron and Vanessa’s Twitter accounts are verified and are always centered on all news developments to give the impression of representing an impartial Eritrean voice, despite their connection to shadowy elements and aims for the state.Vanessa Tsehaye was also nominated for the Index on Censorship’s Freedom of Expression Award in 2016:
“Index on Censorship continues to function today, posing as an organisation that promotes freedom of expression across the world. But a cursory glance at its major donors sets alarm bells ringing.As well as the aforementioned Ford Foundation, it is funded by Open Society Foundations, Open Democracy and the shady soft power organisation the National Endowment for Democracy (NED)”
What can we infer about the active harm on the state of Bolivia and Eritrea from Vanessa in the Eritrean diaspora spaces, and her links with Jhanisse Vaca Daza/Human Rights Foundation? Her emergence is part of many counter-revolutionary aims over the years to defang the Eritrean revolution of its socialist roots, demoralize the Eritrean people’s sense of revolutionary nationalism, and weaken the state. The strategy of Washington has been multi-faceted and sophisticated in its deployment and execution in the diaspora since 2007, as stated in WikiLeaks cables from former Ambassador Ronald K. McMullen.The Impeccable achievement of the Eritrean revolution under the guidance of ELM, ELF initially and then EPLF, which had a socialist foundational aim after independence, was a threatening example for Africa. Therefore, Eritrea has been a victim of imperialist design and destruction for decades:
1890-1945-Survived and resisted Italian colonialism without the influence of Italian culture, language, and the racist period of the fascist era.
1945-1960 Survived and resisted British colonialism objectives in partitioning Eritrea and dividing its people.
1961-1991 Survived and resisted US/UK/USSR supported Ethiopian colonialism and brutal occupation.
1991-1998 Peace and transition.
1998-2000 Survived western supported invasion of Eritrea by Washington backed TPLF just like it did years later in Somalia.
1998-2018 Survived and resisted Washington aggression and support of the Ethiopian regime aims at state collapse, destabilization, and economic sabotage to make the people revolt and submit.
2009-2018 Survived debilitating UN sanctions against the state, defense capability, and collective punishment of the people.
The prevailing emergence of neoliberal diaspora activism currently led by Vanessa/OneDaySeyoum is operated on individual issues in a celebrity-like consideration over the community and collective struggle. This is why it is social media-driven with no serious offline popular legitimacy with the Eritrean community, as the aim is not unity but to sow discord, political fragmentation and externalize all of the actual problems in Eritrea. Neoliberal diaspora activism is directed by Twitter likes, metrics and online drama, like the dogpiling of comedian Tiffany Haddish who visited Eritrea on a personal narrative and wanting to publicize her father’s country. It must be understood Tiffany Haddish was viscously targeted, when she was not a political voice at all. Vanessa purposely used the social media bullying of Tiffany to publicize her organization and use that public stunt toward centering her organization and profile.
OneDaySeyoum/Vanessa Tsehaye did not oppose the Susan Rice lobbied sanctions on the state of Eritrea from 2009 to 2018 and was silent on the 18-year war of aggression from Washington backed regime in Addis Ababa. Most of the Gen Z diaspora youths who support her on Twitter are being misled into an imperialist undertaking, filled with superficial campaign and PR with no serious impact on the Eritrean people nor the state. The social media campaign only helps to build the “activists brand” and their profile, it doesn’t materially address the problems of the Eritrean people. They politically exploit the serious problem of Eritrean refugees in Libya to blame the state only, with no mention of the role of imperialism in destabilizing Libya and the aggression on Eritrea. This is likened to being an arsonist at night but performing like firefighters in daylight. What does supporting sanctions, economic/military destabilization of the Eritrean state have to do with advocating for refugees? Additionally, Vanessa gained notoriety and social media capital off Ciham’s misfortune in Eritrea. We must move away from single issues social media campaigns as that itself is liberalism, and truly engage in a high-level approach to supporting the Eritrean people beyond PFDJ by not selling out to imperialism. Advocating for Ciham’s freedom is the right thing to do, but there is no reason to engage in liberalism and align the campaign with Vanessa Tsehaye, who is funded by the Human Rights Foundation. The social media campaign around Ciham and its performative spectacle only benefited the career profile of Vanessa Tsehaye. As Ivan Marovic, one of the founders of Otpor stated: “It’s not cool. Normal people hate politics . . . but . . . you need normal people if you’re gonna make change. To do that, you need to make politics sexy. Make it cool. Make it hip. REVOLUTION as a FASHION LINE”
In Defense Of Eritrean Leftist Commentary
“Hide nothing from the masses of our people. Tell no lies. Expose lies whenever they are told. Mask no difficulties, mistakes, failures. Claim no easy victories…”-Amilcar Cabral,
Over the years there has been an external push toward a neoliberal flavored type of activism that aims to reverse the legacy of the elder generation of Eritreans with leftist politics and a sense of revolutionary nationalism. The revolutionary nationalism itself is being targeted, although it must be clear that PFDJ has been failing Eritrea and the diaspora to be a vanguard in the same spirit as the true socialist vanguard EPLF. The elder Eritrean generation who were active in the late 1980s and 1990s with revolutionary nationalism, built up the diaspora communities and developed a long-lasting movement to help Eritrea. The rise of Vanessa/OneDaySeyoum opposes the rich history of the community-owned activism and bottom-up grass-roots that was prevalent in the 1980/90s and early 2000s in the diaspora, originally shaped by the true socialist vanguard EPLF. The neoliberal diaspora activists are running counter to the history of Eritrean organizers, who stood for solidarity, anti-imperialism, and collective struggle building that united Eritreans and defended the state and revolution. Unfortunately, Isaias Afewerki and PFDJ have not been able to maintain that legacy and now we have youth who are vulnerable to grifters and counter-revolutionary warfare. The fear of critical leftist narratives against both PFDJ and the pro State Department elements like Vanessa is serious, and the counter-response is to spew ad hominem attacks and discredit any leftist criticism.
For example below, in the past few months, I have been targeted by Vanessa Tsehaye/OneDaySeyoum by spreading misinformation and gaslighting my commentary, dismissing me as a man who is misogynistic, sexist, and targeting Eritrean women for publicly condemning her ties to imperialist hands and her support of the coup in Bolivia. The below tweet of mine is addressing imperialism and Vanessa Tsehaye responded by falsey proclaiming that I’m misogynist:
(By the way, her name was Vanessa Berhe on all articles in the past, Al Jazeera interviews and that was the name I used before she changed her name, I was not aware she changed her name but I have now updated as to respect her choice)
Is legitimate public criticism of a hyper-visible activist misogynist or sexist? If that is the case I have no problem being self-corrected, but this is motivated with aims to smear my political criticism.
Equally important, the individual’s account associated with Vanessa has sent direct messages to popular black leftists with large followings, by proclaiming with no public independent investigation, that I’m targeting Eritrean women when that is not true. My personal address has been doxxed by one of the vocal members of OneDaySeyoum with threats to do me harm offline, plus other Youtube comments threatening to call my family and publishing the name of my partner. Moreover, the individuals associated with Vanessa Tsehay/OneDaySeyoum have targeted the organization I’m a member of by continuously aiming to send their associates to monitor our activities, and to penetrate and sabotage our efforts. The HOA-PALS(Horn of Africa-Pan Africanist for Liberation and Solidarity is aiming to build an alternative leftist space that is multi-generational,women-led, and LGBTQ+ welcoming. Fallacious claims of me targeting Eritrean women are flawed, considering I am a member of a women-led organization where we have had various internal dialogue on how this was a political hit job to discard my commentary. My commentary is direct, blunt, and has no aim to harm marginalized communities, but to question reactionary elements, whether it is the activists or the cadres of PFDJ or Eritrean officials. I have been blocked by the Eritrean ambassador to Japan for criticizing his anti-Cuba/USSR/Marxist views, I have been blocked by WHO Director, Tedros Adhanom for his time as Foreign Minister under TPLF, I have been blocked by US ambassador in Djibouti, MC Hammer for support Selassie/Menliek and have had more issues with reactionary men in our community than women.
As a cis Eritrean man, I understand the optics of publicly criticizing women and have been doing more to be careful in the language I use, reading Queer Marxist feminist works to better stamp out my internalized patriarchy to do better with my approach, while maintaining the guiding principles of anti-imperialists, and highlighting the problems of Washington foreign policy in the Horn of Africa.
To be a revolutionary Eritrean in the diaspora demands one not be associated with the Washington State Department on the one hand, or uncritically support Isaias Afewerki on the other. There is a transformative approach to transitioning Eritrea beyond Isaias Afewerki and it won’t work by being in collusion with the State Department/Human Rights Watch/Amnesty and activist(OneDaySeyoum). Eritreans have a right to defend the state and we should not be intimidated and gaslighted to work with imperialists and their lackeys. No Eritrean with revolutionary potential believing in our collective struggle is my enemy, whether they operate within PFDJ or in the opposition, as we must maintain a united frontline.
Kwame Ture spoke on the differences between mobilization and organization. He says, mobilization usually leads to reform action, not to revolutionary action. “Those of us who are revolutionary are not concerned with issues, we are concerned with the system.” Mobilization of the masses on a bigger scale will require radical approaches through organizations focused on collective struggle rather than individual issues and social media spectacles.
The young diaspora Eritrean youths and non-Eritreans drawn by the emotionally targeted propaganda campaign on Twitter are innocent in that they don’t recognize they are being pulled into something dangerous for Eritrea and the region. This sophisticated campaign targets diaspora youths and individuals with large followings, who are unfamiliar with Eritrea.
One can engage in deconstructing the role of imperialism in how Eritrean refugees are displaced in Libya and facing grave threats, without excusing the internal failures of Isias Afewerki to reduce harm and destructive policies . One can be leftists without supporting PFDJ.
People’s class positioning in the diaspora reflects in their politics for the Horn of Africa. Class perspectives and analysis have been buried by diaspora neoliberal oriented activism towards single issues that deflect emotions and spectacles instead of historical analysis and deeper investigation.
Do you want freedom for your people? From what class positioning? We black leftists are duty-bound to be media savvy and well versed in informational warfare targeting Black America and Africa. Oftentimes people with liberal politics don’t understand piercing’ criticism and ideological persuasion. Do we have malicious intent by bringing to light the harmful political positioning of Eritrean elements from the pro-State Department accounts and pro-Isaias Afewerki accounts? No. The intent is to push the conversation to the left away from reactionaries via PFDJ or a few opposition accounts.
We have a problem with the rampant anti-socialist sentiment within the neoliberal Eritrean activist spaces and their continued online surveillance campaign with support of shadowy backers. Eritrean leftists are being targeted and harassed for their critical commentary and views. The Black global left needs to understand that elements like those in this article who want to discredit Eritrean leftist viewpoints and that those leftists who organize online, must be clear to investigate who they interact with and their shadowy associations.
As to discredit the Eritrean leftist position, any defense of the state or revolution is intentionally equated with the support of Isaias Afewerki and his failures. This is how pro-State Department Eritrean activists rationalize demonizing any defense of the state by deflecting to Isias/PFDJ. Defending Bolivia, Venezuela, Iran, China from western aggression does not mean one agrees with the internal politics or head of state just like Eritrea, but we are guided by the principles of anti-imperialism and a non-interventionist line.
In the spirit of Pan Africanism, the Black Radical Tradition, and anti-imperialism, the Eritrean leftist commentary and the Eritrean revolution must be defended beyond hyper-nationalism, neoliberal diaspora activism, and rightward tendencies.
For 5 years straight until 2007, Eritrea & Djibouti had annual military meetings. The relationship was unbroken until TPLF influenced Guelleh to instigate a border conflict in 2008 with their backing and attempt to trigger an offensive to capture the Eritrean port of Asseb. From 2008 to 2018, Djibouti and Eritrea were in a tense diplomatic tension. The media attention on the peace deal of 2018 between Eritrea and Ethiopia dominated the news headlines while neglecting an important moment between two other sisterly states normalizing relations.
Djibouti Foreign Minster on the left and Eritrean FM on the right
Forward to now as we observed striking reactions to the Nov.18th French outlet Jeune Afrique interview of Djibouti’s President Ismail Omar Guelleh(Here). Below are relevant quotes where both states can have better effort and work toward a regional policy & cohesion. The views expressed by Guelleh on Isaias Afwerki is correct as he is a leader that has a track record of being emotional in his view of diplomatic engagement and takes tensions personally. Eritrea needs a leadership core who moves on cold strategic maneuvering not influenced by emotions and vendetta. Regardless, I believe the state of Eritrea should move beyond personal attachment and restore warm engagement with Djibouti pre-2008.
Djibouti and Eritrea share common views:
China
Both share positive view on the strategic importance of China’s influence in the region and this would be a key point of engagement for Beijing to push.
Muslim Brotherhood & Secularism
Both share views on the threat of Muslim Brotherhood on secularism and religious harmony.
Ethiopia
Both recognize the stability of Ethiopia affects both states, and this is also a point of common interest to engage further.
Djibouti and Eritrea need each other.
Relevant Quotes:
The debt Djibouti owes China has for a long time been seen as excessive. Is this still the case today?
Our “Chinese debt” is much lower than what some have said. It amounts to $450m, compared with Ethiopia’s $16bn and Kenya’s $20bn. We have worked really hard on debt restructuring and servicing. The company managing the Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway line, which is the main source of this debt, will be privatised, with Ethiopia and Djibouti retaining ownership of the infrastructure.
Why has the restoration of diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea still not had the slightest positive effect on your relationship with Eritrea’s president, Issayas Afeworki?
I met with Issayas in Jeddah in September 2018, but neither the Saudi’s mediation team nor Ahmed’s efforts produced a “peace of the braves”. This is despite the fact that I took the step of releasing 19 Eritrean prisoners of war, which Asmara didn’t want, it seems.
The only explanation I see for this stonewalling is a psychological one: Issayas is unyielding and resentful, and we won’t repeat the exercise. The former Ethiopian prime minister, Meles Zenawi, had warned me: “Once you’re mad at him, he never forgets.”
The US has raised concerns about your relations with China on several occasions. It has even been reported that an American general suggested that Beijing had “purchased” the Port of Djibouti. Have these suspicions been cleared up?
They were totally baseless, but I’m not sure they’ve gone away. For instance, we don’t understand why the $25m loan the World Bank promised us in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic has taken so long to materialise. The president of the World Bank, David Malpass, is a US citizen. Is there a causal connection? I wonder.
You’re confronted with a determined opposition, whose leaders are divided, including when it comes to their methods of action. Do you benefit from that?
I think it’s too bad. Every democracy needs an opposition that believes in discussion, comparing policies and the country’s future. Our opposition can be summed up by the slogan “Me or chaos”. Whether it’s Daher Ahmed Farah, Abdourahman Mohamed Guelleh or Adan Mohamed Abdou, none of them abide by the rules for forming a party. A party isn’t just some group you register with a founder and 10 or so members that never holds a convention. But we prefer to look the other way.
This state of things came about because the Islamist faction of this coalition, MoDeL [Movement for Democracy and Freedom] – the local chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood – used religion as a mobilising force. We have taken the necessary measures to reduce its impact. The coalition’s main leaders have left Djibouti for Turkey and Canada, where they have nothing other than Facebook to try to indoctrinate followers.
As for sermons, their content is strictly regulated and comes under the exclusive remit of the Ministry of Muslim Affairs. Sermons are sent to each mosque by email, and imams can’t add a single word to them during Friday prayers. I think the French authorities would do well to follow in our footsteps in this regard. It’s the only way to prevent extremism from thriving.
A few days ago on Twitter, I saw this tweet from Ayantu Ayana & others commenting on the recent visit of Isaias Afwerki to Ethiopia and meetings with Prime Minister Abiy.
I have tremendous respect for her takes on the Abyssinian system & the Oromo decolonial demands but I have been disturbed by her pro-State Department world views contradicts her usage of leftist theories and analysis. One can observe her missing critique on imperialism & capitalism and that is the reason why I stop following her work or support it because its unprincipled and disingenuous.
Ayantu Ayana is part of the liberal diaspora Oromo community who has been centered as a media personality to speak on #OromoProtests the last few months. She is close with pro-State Department circles like Eritrean activist Vanness Berhe/OneDaySeyom who target the state of Eritrea & tend to echo Human Rights Watch/Amnesty talking points.
So what’s the issue?
The issue is not her criticism of Isaias Afewerki the personality. He has failed to be a revolutionary leader & that failure is up to the Eritrean people to resolve & manage internally. The issue here is the danger in echoing empire rhetoric that has been used to manufacture consent against the state of Eritrea and in how that is employed uniquely compared to other states in the region. This is not about Isias Afewerki but how that type of language & rhetoric is anti-Eritrea & the danger in co-opting the western establishment & media usage which was justified in enforcing inhumane sanctions & aggression against the state that have negatively impacted the Eritrean people all these years. This is about defending the state and the agency of the Eritrean people, not Isias Afewerki.
The second issue is liberalism and the discourse that ignores historical context when convenient. Isn’t it contradictory to have an academic background in decolonization or as stated in her bio line “PhD student Black circle archives & histories of anti-colonial resistance” but have politics that are harmful to third world states? Supporting reactionary liberal elements advocating regime change for targeted states? Should research that pulls in from Black Radical Tradition(Fanon, W.E.B Dubois, Rodney etc) awaken you at some point, or is this just purely an academic fascination?. This whitewashed liberal discourse that tries to lecture on “dictatorship” is not needed as it dismisses the agency of the Eritrean people & collective struggle. For example, hypothetically if Oromia decides to have a socialist revolution tomorrow or put in place a theocracy system that is beyond my expectation I’m not going to dictate they change it or characterize it negatively as it is the Oromo people agency to determine internally.
The third is an issue of inconsistency in echoing Ethiopiainst views against Eritrea one day and upholding oppressed nationalities narrative against the settler state the next day. The Ethiopianist rhetoric on Eritrea historically has been wrapped in a language that delegitimizes the Eritrean people agency, independence, and our right to exist as a state. It is a bit concerning that her being Oromo she would understand it when it targets Oromia’s but she is quick to use it against Eritrea. For example, Abiy has been trained by TPLF and studied Meles Zenawi & learned from them on their “dictatorship” & he looks up to “dictator” like Selassie, Menelik, etc but somehow Abiy power grip is externalized to Eritrea. Why? The Abyssinian system is literally a history of “dictatorships” and one-man rule for decades. This is framing that somehow blames Eritrea for Abiy’s political ambition in following the Abyssinian tradition of dominance and control is intellectually dishonest and shameless.
The issue of urban raised and privilege outlook of the diaspora to speak on behalf of the poor people on the ground. The liberals personalities like Ayantu Ayana are intentionally trying to erase the historical experiences of the Eritrean state for the last 28 years with “Isias Afewerki dictatorship ” discourse that does not engage in the critical examination of the role of western foreign policy & imperialism. The liberal elements of the Oromo community anti-Eritrea views and vitriolic against the state under the guise of criticizing the reactionary Isias Aferiwe went beyond the confines of defending Oromia but traditional Ethiopinaist language and enforcing violent rhetoric that is provocative. The diaspora liberal elements and the gatekeepers won’t matter despite their dominant presence on Twitter as the majority of Oromos are rural and have no ideological alignment with their world views and hostility against the state of Eritrea so we must stand with the poor Oromos not them!
It is important for the Oromo community to examine the 18 years of violent narratives use to demonize & support sanctions, war & aggression against the state of Eritrea with “Isias is a dictatorship ” angle & how it diverts critical evaluation on what happened to the state of Eritrea & people. Isaias Afewerki should be scrutinized by Oromos in a different form for his reactionary takes on multi federalism as an individual but the Eritrean state shouldn’t be targeted because of him. At the same, the peace deal is worth defending beyond personalities and Oromos should support peace with Eritrea regardless of Isias and Abiy. It’s unethical to target Eritrea without considering the history & context. Plus it is dangerous to push empire language & “democratization” via liberal rules & expectations. The region needs a radical shift not liberalism & symbolic elections.
Lastly, the Oromo people being the largest nationalities in the Horn of Africa with unique historical experience with Ethiopian settler colonialism and also having an egalitarian form of governance should see themselves as objective meditators in the Horn of Africa that mend contradiction internally to each state & not be violently partisan like Ayantu Ayana with internal Eritrean political issues. It is preferable Oromia support Eritrea and Horn of Africa and be a progressive unifying entity for the region.
Bolivian anti-Evo Morales activist Jhanissa Vaca Daza (center) with Otpor leader and CANVAS founder Srdja Popovic (right)
